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| The excellent reenactors of Prussian IR12, Erbprinz Hessen-Darmstadt |
Dear
Reader,
In the course of completing my
Ph.D, I have the distinct pleasure of teaching the Modern Military History
course at West Virginia University. Students always sign up for the class in
large numbers, expecting to hear primarily about the Second World War, or even
the Vietnam War. They are almost always disappointed to hear that to
historians, "Modern" Military History includes much of Military
History after 1500.
As I believe that students learn
better when their instructor is passionate about the subject under study, I
spend approximately two and a half weeks (of a sixteen week course) covering
the Kabinettskriege era, with particular reference to the era between the War
of Austrian Succession to the American War of Independence. Every semester, I
ask students to write a paper, comparing two of the great military leaders of
the eighteenth century. (It's not Frederick
II and Washington every semester, in fact, I prefer reading essays about
Charles XII and Maurice de Saxe). However, students are always surprised that I
spend so much time on an era of limited war, where (at least in their mind)
tactics and technology were relatively static. As a result, I am writing this
post, attempting to defend what I see as an incredibly relevant period in
military history for our own time. So, why is the era of Frederick II and
George Washington still relevant in the 21st Century?
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| Washington by Peale, 1779 |
1. The conflicts of Frederick II
and Washington form part of the "canon" of modern military thought,
and the Military-Civil relationship in our own time. In order to understand
that, we need to understand them.
If you read On War, you will be astonished by the easy familiarity
which Clausewitz possesses with the campaigns of Frederick II. To understand
the mind which produced On War, we need to understand the conflicts of
Frederick II as he did. The debates about the relationship between armies and
societies which continue into our own time were happening albeit in a slightly
different form, during the eighteenth century. In my observation, there is a
gulf today in the United States between many soldiers and many civilians, and
neither seem to understand the other, or even have a desire to do so. A reading
of Charles Royster's A Revolutionary People at War, will reveal that the
exact same debates were occurring in the fledgling United States during the
American War of Independence. The army and the society became disconnected from
one another during the course of the conflict, and began to actively dislike
each other in cases. In essence, an understanding of eighteenth-century
warfare allows for a greater understanding of our own world.
2. Studying Eighteenth-Century
Warfare demonstrates that while technology is important, adaptability is more
important.
There were a number of military technological improvements
during the Kabinettskriege era, including the French development of
cooper-bottomed pontoon-bridges in the 1670s, the refinement of mortars,
the artillery systems of Shuvalov and Gribeauval,
the rifles of Isaac de la Chaumette and Patrick Ferguson, to name but a few.
However, with the possible exception of the pontoon bridges, none of these
technological inventions fundamentally changed the shape of warfare.
In the Seven Years War, Frederick II was faced by enemies
with vastly superior artillery systems. The British, not the Americans,
experimented with breechloading rifles under Ferguson. Indeed, technological
experimentation does not always lead to decisive results. In the 1749, John
Muller wrote to the Duke of Cumberland, arguing that
"The French, who are
continually aiming at improvements [in their small arms] have succeeded no
better than others; One should be surprised to find in their last
establishments several things changed which were better before, and Mr. Belidor
who takes great pains in making experiments has been very much mistaken in his
account of the Chambers in Mortars[.]"[1]
Napoleonic Prussian Generals made much the same observation,
after seeing the results of tests which showed that the older Frederician
musket was more accurate than their modern replacement.
Though Frederick II was in many ways technologically inferior
to his opponents, his willingness to adapt and learn from them proved one of
his strengths, as the result of the Battle of Burkersdorf shows. Technology is
not always the silver bullet, especially in an era of limited warfare. As the
development of light troops shows us during this era, innovation was often more
important than invention.
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| Frederick II, later 18th century, by J.H.C. Franke |
3. In
both the case of Frederick II and George Washington, greater material and
manpower did not necessarily equate victory.
Both the allies arrayed against Frederick
II in the Seven Years War, and the British forces confronting George Washington
the early American War of Independence put many more soldiers into the field,
and had greater supporting and logistical forces at their disposal. This did
not prevent both Frederick and Washington from achieving their political goals
in the final outcome of the conflict (though
Frederick's success is much more qualified than Washington's.) Both
generals marched quickly, unexpectedly took the offensive and initiative from
their opponents, knew when to dig in, and when to retreat, and learned from
their many mistakes.
This is not a lesson that the
American Civil War, or the First and Second World Wars teach particularly well.
In these wars, powers with more resources had time to learn from their mistakes
and eventually crush their opposition. Obviously, none of this was achieved
superior resources alone. Russian operational maneuvering on the Eastern Front
was quite good, particularly in the later stages of the Second World War, while
the victories achieve by the Union army in the middle-western theater of the
American Civil War were fairly consistent throughout the conflict.
Superior resources mattered in the
eighteenth century as well, of course, but the successes of George Washington
and other American leaders brought powerful allies (the French, Spanish, and
Dutch), into the war, not the other way around. Likewise, successes which
Frederick II achieved early in the Seven Years War allowed him breathing space
to continue the fight as long as he did, until eventually, as a result of
chance, the enemy alliance collapsed.
4. Studying an era where the "rules of engagement" were limited
compared to the 20th Century encourages thought about the nature of
warfare.
We live in an age where compared with the
mid-twentieth century, violence against civilians by regular forces is frowned
upon, and at least officially discouraged. Civilians still suffer in war today,
obviously, as they did in the eighteenth century, but compared with the mass
blood letting of World Wars 1 and 2, and even Vietnam, modern standing armies
attempt to cause less civilian casualties, or at the very least, claim that
they attempt to cause less casualties. In that way, the eighteenth century may
offer a window into our own time.
This point always causes
controversy when brought up in the classroom, as many students prefer the thinking
of William Tecumseh Sherman ("You cannot qualify war in harsher terms than
I will. War is cruelty, and you cannot refine it") and Bomber Harris to
the more seemingly more gentle nature of eighteenth-century war. Indeed,
compare Sherman's statement above to Austrian Marshall Daun's: "The
purpose of war is to push back the unrighteous enemy, not to exterminate the
human race."
Frederick II of Prussia, a truly
prickly and acidic man at times, delighted in the ransacking of Saxon
noblemen's homes during the Seven Years War. Wars with British could turn
particularly ugly when rebellion was involved, whether that rebellion was in
Scotland in 1745 or in North America in 1775. However, none of the atrocities
of the eighteenth century approach the sustained scale and magnitude of the
Thirty Years War or the Napoleonic Wars, to say nothing of the industrialized
death of the twentieth century.
In recent years, as a result of the
excellent work of historians such as John Childs, John Lynn, Erica Charters,
Hannah Smith, Eva Rosenhaft, and others, there has been a vigorous debate about
the exact nature of this "limitation" (if it can even be called
that), but I would argue that the numbers tell a clear story. Fewer civilians
died from conflict related causes during the 150 odd years of the
Kabinettskriege era than died in the 50 odd years of the Thirty Years War and
Napoleonic Wars. I don't think that we necessarily have a specific answer as to
why that was the case.
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| Reenactors portray British Forces in the American War of Independence |
5.
Studying the Eighteenth-Century Warfare is relevant, because, in a popular
sense, it is still very badly understood.
6. In many ways, the conflicts
of the Kabinettskriege era decisively shaped the course of modern history, the
history of the era in which we live.
It is impossible to understand the course
of nineteenth and twentieth-century European History without understanding the
wars of the eighteenth century. The
Kabinettskriege era saw the beginning of so many stories which continued into
our own time, or at the very least, continued into the twentieth century.
It is impossible to understand the power of Napoleon's Empire without the
stories of Vauban and Louis XVI, and the foreign policy disasters which caused
the French Revolution. It is impossible to understand the creation of the
nineteenth-century nations of Germany and Italy without the success which
Prussia and Savoy enjoyed in the eighteenth century. It is impossible to
understand the rise of the British Empire as a global phenomenon without
understanding the Seven Years War. It is impossible to understand the modern
United States as a global power without the American War of Independence, and
equally impossible to understand the story of the Soviet Union and Russian
Federation without the reforms of Peter the Great, to say nothing of the
generalship of Suvorov. It is impossible to understand the tragic history of
Poland and the Polish people in the nineteenth and twentieth centuries without
understanding the partitions of the late-eighteenth century. All of these are
only reasons related to military history, to say nothing of the enlightenment
and industrial revolution.
To some extent, this is true of every
era. It is impossible to fully understand the eighteenth century without
understanding the seventeenth century, etc. But, I must say, I am prejudiced
and conceited enough towards my own field of study to argue that the eighteenth
century deserves more of a share of attention than it currently enjoys in the
public consciousness as we move into the third decade of the 21st century.
If you
enjoyed this post, or any of our other posts, please consider liking us on
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Thanks
for Reading,
Alex Burns
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[1] Letter from John Muller at Woolrich to His Royal Highness the Duke of Cumberland, June 28th 1749.
