"Plan for the Cloathing of the [Continental] Infantry" by Freiherr de Steuben

Dear Reader,

Today, I am sharing a primary source regarding clothing in the American Continental Army. This is a proposed plan created by Friedrich Wilhelm, Freiherr de Steuben, for clothing the infantrymen of the Continental Army.  Obviously, this plan was never fully adopted by the United States, and shortages continued throughout the war. This plan, however, gives a clear vision for the type of clothing which Continental troops could expect to receive, and also Steuben's view of what the ideal clothing of a soldier consisted of.

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Newburgh, August 14th, 1779

Gentlemen,

...The distribution of cloathing should be made with more regularity. As long as [one] regiment receives shirts, whilst another receives shoes and their stockings, or what is still worse, when a regiment receives 20 hats, another 200, and another none at all, we must not think of having our Army cloathed.

The distribution of cloathing should be made at certain fixed periods in the year.

Whatever the soldier is to receive should be determined. Every article of the cloathing should be valued at a certain rate, he who receives more than his allowed should refund the price of the surplus and he who receives less should have an adequate compensation made to him.

The annexed plan of such an arrangement will make it clear and more sensible to you, and although at first sight it may appear so much an expenditure, yet I dare assert it will prove advantageous and oeconomical to the United States.

Plan

for the Cloathing of the Infantry

Whatever Cloathing the soldiers receive from the states may be reduced to these Heads:

1st. The Necessaries

2nd. The Uniform

3rd. The Small Mounting 

The necessaries of a soldier consist of:

A haversack of calf or goat skin

A Knapsack of Grey linen

A Blanket

A Pair of shoe buckles

A Pair of Knee Ditto

A Stock Ditto

A Clothes Brush

A Pair of Shoe Brushes

A Large Comb                   I  

A Small Tooth Ditto            I

Six needles                        I    [These] Enclosed

Two Oz Blue thread           I > in a leather case

Two Oz White Ditto            I

A Pocket Knife                   I

A Tin Spoon                       I

The Uniform of a Soldier Consists of: 

A Hat

A Pair of Wool Overalls

A Coat

A Leather Stock

A Waistcoat

A Pair of Garters and Buckles

A Pair of Wooll Breeches

A Pair of Woollen Gloves

The Small Mounting Consists of:

Two Shirts                                      I          Once of each Articles

Two Pair Woollen Stockings          I  >       Every Four Months 

A Pair of Shoes                              I

x A Queue Ribbon and One every six months

A Hunting Shirt                            I

A Pair Wool Overalls                   I> Per Year 

The soldiers should receive their necessaries at their first entering in the Regiment

They should receive their Uniform every New Years Day 

Their small mounting should be made at four different parts of the year:

1st Delivery/ Jan 1st

A  shirt, a pair stockings, a par of shoes, a queue ribbon

2nd Delivery/ April 1st

A shirt, a pair of Lin. Overalls, a pair of shoes

3rd Delivery/ June 1st

A Hunting Shirt, A pair of overalls a Queue Ribbon

4th Delivery/ Sept 1st

A shirt, a pair stockings, a pair of shoes 

The soldiers' necessaries always belong to the states, and when a soldier leaves the service

he must be accountable for them to the Regimental paymaster.

The Uniform belongs to the soldier after sixteen months service and when a soldier dies or quits the Regiment before the expiration of that time his uniform must be must be delivered to the paymaster
who will keep it in his store to distribute its  to the soldiers who will arrive in the course of the year.

The small mounting belong to the soldier after four months service, in case of Death or Discharge, but as long as he remains with the Regiment he must account at each review for the following articles:

3 shirts 3 pair stockings 1 pair of shoes 1 hunting shirt
1 pair linen overalls when a recruit enters a regiment from
January to April, inclusive he receives:
His necessaries
His Uniform new and Compleat
2 shirts
2 pair of stockings
1 pair shoes
1 Queue Ribbons

When a recruit enters his Regt from
May to Aug inclusive he receives
His necessaries
A complete Uniform from those in the paymasters' stores
2 shirts
2 pairs of stockings
1 pair of shoes
1 Queue Ribbon

A recruit who enters from September to Jan inclusive receives

His necessaries
A Complete Uniform from the paymaster's [stores]
2 shirts
2 pairs of stockings
1 Pair of shoes
1 Queue Ribbon

Steuben /////
Maj. General[1]

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Thanks for Reading,

Alex Burns




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Steuben Papers, 2:10. 

Black Soldiers in European Armies during the Eighteenth Century

An excellent reenactor from HM 17th Regiment of Infantry,
Photo Credit: Wilson Freeman /Drifting Focus Photography courtesy of H
M 17th Regiment of Infantry

Dear Reader,

This post is designed to give an overview of the history of African soldiers fighting in Europe during the eighteenth century. It purposely does not include soldiers who fought in all-black regiments, which occurred at the end of this era in the British Army, and American Continental Army. For excellent research into that important topic, see the work of Professsor Norman Roger Buckley, who has written extensively on the West Indian Regiments of the British Army in the 1790s-1810s. Rather, this post examines a smaller number of men of color, often elusive and difficult to track, who served in particular roles in largely white regiments of European Armies.

Writing on the history of slavery and enslaved people, even slavery which is disconnected from how it is traditionally seen in the western hemisphere, requires a great deal of care. I hope this post respectfully explores some of the complexities of the service of these men, who both experienced a lack of freedom, and were sometimes able to use their military service to improve their social and economic status. Black soldiers fighting in European armies during the eighteenth century possessed a wide range of experiences: as human beings, they were often given as gifts, they acquired powerful patrons, were the object of stares on the part of Europeans who had previously not encountered Africans, sometimes earned higher wages than white soldiers, died of diseases contracted while in service, married and had children, and in at least one case, rose to high rank and power as a result of patronage. This post attempts to show the range of possibilities for these men of color, without obscuring the lack of freedom and various difficulties which they faced.

Hessian Drummer painted after the American War of Independence

There has been a great deal of research on Africans and African-Americans in eighteenth century armies, and the work of these historians, particularly Hugh Barnes, Judith L.Van Buskirk, Peter Fryer,  Alan Gilbert, George Fenwick Jones, Rebekka von Mallinckrodt, and John U. Rees has been very helpful in providing a framework for this post.[1] For the assistance I received while researching this post, I would like to thank Jason Doerflein, Dr. Thomasz Karpiński, and Arthur Yushkevich.

In the mid-eighteenth century most European armies included a few black soldiers, who were often employed as musicians, particularly as drummers and fifers. A few of these men also served as laborers, and there is evidence to suggest that in some armies, small numbers were employed in combat roles. These men were not always willingly enlisted into the armed forces they served in: many were purchased in Africa or North America for inclusion as symbols of prestige. The use of these men, particularly their uniforms, was a part of a larger process of emulating the fashion of the Ottoman Empire, a craze which swept through Europe during the early part of the eighteenth century.[2] Having black men as musicians was a mark of pride for regimental commanders, and demonstrated the wealth and power of the colonel-proprietors able to acquire them. Although in some states actually Ottoman Turkish musicians were initially imported, these were swiftly replaced African musicians, whose involvement in European armies pre-dated the Turkish craze, but was greatly increased by it.[3] In an odd moment in European history, Africans (as well as African-Americans born in the American Colonies) became drawn into the European military experience as a result of court fascination with Ottoman Military bands.[4]

These men were often purchased, and thus experienced part of the painful world of slavery. They drew a wage.  Particularly in the Prussian service, data from 1747 indicates that black musicians were paid 4 Thalers per month, double the wage of white musketeers who served alongside them.[5] Where records are available, it appears these men were discharged and free at the end of their service.[6] Some African-Americans, by contrast, used the desire for "exotic" bands on the part of European officers for their own ends: joining European military forces in order to escape from the world of enslavement.  There is a small amount of evidence to suggest that some were even able to draw on the institutions available for the care of former soldiers, such as the Royal Hospital at Chelsea.

An African Musician in Wilkie's "Reading of the Waterloo Dispatch

Although the practice of acquiring African musicians is most famous in American circles as a result of the American War of Independence, the practice long pre-dates this. This post will look at the experience of Africans in the Russian and Prussian military, before turning to the more familiar British and Hessian armies.

Disputed portrait of Abram Petrovich Gannibal.
Author Hugh Barnes indicates that this may be a portrait of a white officer 

Russian Army: 

Though the Russian court imported an Ottoman military band in 1725, there are few images of African soldiers serving as musicians in the Russian Army. However, a small number of Africans found their way into Russian service as well. The most famous of these is Abram Petrovich Gannibal, a Russian Major General who served in the early-eighteenth century, and is credited with inspiring Alexander Suvorov to become a soldier. Though his exact place of origin in Africa is disputed (both Medri Bahri, in present-day Eritria, as well as Logone-Birni in modern Cameroon have been suggested), Gannibal was brought as an enslaved person to Istanbul, and sent to Russian as a gift to Tsar Peter I in 1704. Likely born in 1696-1698, the Tsar chose to adopt Gannibal as his godson. With this adoption and patronage, Gannibal traveled to France to learn modern military science, and he served in the French Army during the War of the Quadruple Alliance. 

Gannibal was exiled to Siberia after Peter I's death, but continued to demonstrate his excellence by designing fortresses for the Russian state. With the succession of Elizabeth Petrovna to the throne in 1741, Gannibal returned to power, was promoted to Major General, and briefly became the governor of Estonia. His rise to power came with privileges, he became the owner of several estates, and as a result, owned many families of serfs.[7] His power lasted for the lifetime of Elizabeth Petrovna, he was General in Chief of Russian forces in 1762, but retired to his estate after Empress Elizabeth died in January of that year. He lived on his estates until his death in 1781.

Ivan Gannibal, the eldest son of Abram Gannibal

Abram Gannibal married twice, and had ten children with his second wife, a Swedish woman named Christina Regina Siöberg. Their oldest son, pictured above, Ivan Gannibal, also led a distinguished military career. He served as an officer in the Russian Navy, commanding several important naval actions and sieges, but also designed and constructed fortresses, like his father. Also like his father, he achieved the position of General in Chief of the Russian Army.

The fifer is likely an African, based upon his lack
of a queue, and signifying headgear

Prussian Army:
The history of African soldier-musicians in the Prussian Army goes back to seventeenth century, when in 1685, Frederick William, the Elector of Brandenburg, brought a drummer, whose European name was Ludwig Besemann, into his army. In 1737, another African soldier, Josef Sancta Maria, was a drummer in Dragoon Regiment von Moellendorf.[8] It appears that Frederick William I and Frederick II ("the Great") of Prussia maintained a Paukenwagen or a mobile drum platform, for their artillery.[9] You can see a Dutch example of this type of carriage from the era of William III below.

There is a great deal of visual evidence that Prussian armies included African drummers. However, Ottoman emissaries were not impressed by Frederick II's efforts to imitate their bands. After a presentation of a military band, Ottoman Ambassador Achmed Effendi shook his head, and simply commented to the Prussian king, "It is not Turkish."[10] Like in other European states, it seems that African musicians were primarily concentrated in elite regiments, such as Frederick II's Garde, which had a corps of black fifers.

A detail of the image above from the
archival collection of Hans Bleckwenn[11]

However, there were also a number of African Musicians in other regiments, such as the Regiment Markgraf Karl (IR 7).[12] African musicians also served in the Cuirassier Regiment Markgraf Friedrich von Brandenburg (CR 5).[13] Many of these soldiers served in the famous Lange-Kerls of Frederick William I.

An African Drummer from IR 6.
archival collection of Hans Bleckwenn[14]

British Army: 
Historian Peter Fryer provides a clear window into African soldier-musicians in his book: Staying Power: The History of Black People in Britain. He begins his excellent summary of this topic: "The use of black musicians as military bandsmen, a tradition which reached its height toward the end of the eighteenth century, seems to have started in the second half of the seventeenth."[15] As early as 1679, African musicians served in British Regiments, and served as drummers in cavalry regiments as early as 1685.

Despite African soldiers relatively frequent service as musicians in Europeans armies, they still faced surprise from local people. Ensign Hugh Mackay of the 13th Regiment of Foot described the surprise of townspeople in the Netherlands at seeing African musicians:"At 3 O'Clock in the Afternoon Sr. Robt. Riches Dragoons-- enter'd the Town with their black Drummers- at whom the people stared like bewitched, wondering to see Blacks amongst the English Soldiers."[16] This quote gives a window into the sort of reactions which black troops faced as they served in small numbers across Europe.

A Black trumpeter in a detail of a Guard's Officer Painting

Like other European armies, the British regular army acquired black soldiers through the purchase of human beings. The diary of John Peebles on March 4th 1780 indicates: "picked up a little [black child] for a fifer."[17] Peebles' diary later indicates that he attempted to sell a enslaved, it is unclear if it was this same fifer.[18] If that is the case, it would be the sole instance of a black soldier musician being exchange for money which I have encountered. Many of these men were given as gifts, but their being sold individually seems to be a relative rarity. However, it remains a possibility, and would be another similar experience to more traditional slavery encountered by black soldiers and musicians.

The 29th Regiment of Foot, famous in America for their involvement in the Riot on King Street (Boston Massacare), was also famous for the presence of black drummers in the regiment. Regimental Historian Hugh Everard recorded:

"It was while stationed here that the regiment first got its black drummers, which occurred in the following manner. Admiral Boscawen being at the surrender of Guadaloupe, and thinking that blacks would prove very ornamental as drummers, procured eight or ten boys, whom he brought home and gave to his brother, who then commanded the 29th Regiment. Col. Enys, in his MS. Records, states: “His Majesty's permission was obtained to retain them in that capacity, and when I joined the regiment in 1775, there were three, if not more, of the Original blacks in the corps, who were remarkable good drummers.” The custom of having black drummers in the regiment was continued for the better part of 84 years (the last one died on the 15th July, 1843)."[19]

During the eighteenth century, there were also Africans serving in various roles in the Grenadier Guards, Coldstream Guards, 7th Royal Fusiliers, 14th Regiment, 38th Regiment, possibly the 45th Light Company, the Life Guards, 4th Dragoons, and 3rd Hussars.[20]

A Hessian Regiment Circa 1789
Private Archives of Hans Bleckwenn

Hessian Armies:

The longstanding practice of utilizing black musicians followed European armies to North America. In June of 1781, Hesse-Hanauer Captain Georg Pausch reported to his Landgraf that, "Almost all the Hesse-Cassel regiments and grenadier battalions have taken on Negroes as drummers, fifers, and pack-servants[.]"[21] These reports appear rather envious, and Pausch indicates that quickly, "followed this practice at little cost". Interestingly, Pausch mentions the idea of raising an entire regiment of "similar blacks," drawing on experiences of the war in North America. [22] His report to the Landgraf also makes it clear that black soldiers were still a status symbol, human beings who could be given as gifts: "The Brunswick Dragoon Regiment has filled its needs with black drummers, which were however, a present to Major General von Riedesel from Brigadier General Arnold."[23]

As a result of the research of George Fenwick Jones, more is known regarding the Africans who fought alongside the German Subsidientruppen from various states in the American War of Independence.[24] The Hessian muster rolls available at the Hessian State Archives in Marburg list approximately 125 individuals with black skin who served in Hessian forces during the American War of Independence. These roles give an indication that a small number of these soldiers served not only as musicians, but also as combat troops in the Hessian forces. In addition to the large numbers of drummers and fifers, there are a small number of entries for Gemeine, Musketiere, and Fusiliere. Those wishing to make their own notes regarding this particular subset of Africans in Germanic armies should examine the excellent HETRINA database.

These soldiers came from a wide variety of backgrounds in America, including South Carolina, Virginia, both Long Island and upstate New York, New Jersey, Georgia and Florida. Some of the soldiers were not born in America, but originally came from West Africa, and were doubtless transported as slaves before their service with the Subsidentruppen. Still more originally came from the Caribbean. One of these soldiers was born in Lisbon, another is listed as coming from China. 

Of the approximately 125 Black soldiers whose service was recorded, we known approximate dates of service for 56. Of these 56 soldiers, the average term of service was 2 years, some serving as long as six years (and continuing that service after the war) and others serving for as short as 1 month. It seems that some appeared to value their service as an end unto itself, while others simply viewed it as a pit-stop on the journey to freedom.

Of these 56 soldiers, it appears that 16 continued their service past the end of the war, and perhaps returned to the Holy Roman Empire with their regiments. The three images of Black Drummers of the Hessian Garde Regiments come from after the war, possibly confirming that a number of these soldiers returned to Europe. George Fenwick Jones claims that approximately thirty of these drummers serving in Hessian units returned to Europe, but that many of these died of disease in Europe. Others appear to have survived and married in Hessen. The Landgraf even became a god-parent to children of one of these drummers.[25]

I hope that this post has respectfully showed some of the possible life experiences for black soldiers and musicians serving in European military forces during the eighteenth century. They faced incredible challenges, and certainly faced a lack of freedom, but particularly in the case of the Hessian forces, were able to use military service as a way to escape more traditional forms of slavery in North America.

If you enjoyed this post, or any of our other posts, please consider liking us on facebook, or following us on twitter. Consider checking out our exclusive content on Patreon. Finally, we are dedicated to keeping Kabinettskriege ad-free. In order to assist with this, please consider supporting us via the donate button in the upper right-hand corner of the page. As always:

Thanks for Reading, 

Alex Burns

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[1] Hugh Barnes, Gannibal, Judith L. Van Buskirk, Standing in their Own Light, Peter Fryer, Staying Power: The History of Black People in Britain, Alan Gilbert, Black Patriots and Loyalists: Fighting for Emancipation in the War for Independence, George Fenwick Jones, "The Black Hessians", Rebekka von Mallinckrodt, "There are no slaves in Prussia?" Slavery Hinterland, John U. Rees, ‘They Were Good Soldiers’: African–Americans Serving in the Continental Army, 1775-1783. 
[2]Peter Fryer, Staying Power, 82.
[3] Henry George Farmer, "Turkish Influence in Military Music", Journal of the Society for Army Historical Research, (1946)
[4] Edmund A. Bowles, "The Impact of Turkish Military Bands on European Court Festivals in the 17th and 18th Centuries", Early Music, (2006).
[5]Rebekka von Mallinckrodt, "There are no slaves in Prussia?" Slavery Hinterland, 120.
[6]George Fenwick Jones, "The Black Hessians", The South Carolina Historical Magazine, (1982) 301-302.
[7] Hugh Barnes, Gannibal, 221-224.
[8] Herbert Tobischeck, Die Pauke, 30.
[9] Wolfgang Glauche, Pro Gloria et Patria?,47.
[10] Christian F. Schubart, Ideean zur einer Aesthetik der Tonkunst, 331
[11] P.C. Marten, Die Musik, Der Spielleute.
[12] Theilig, Türken, Mohren, und Tataren, 73-4.
[13] Daniel Hohrath, Uniforms of the Prussian Army, Vol 1, 39.
[14] P.C. Marten, Die Musik, Der Spielleute.
[15]Peter Fryer, Staying Power, 81.
[16] NAM 1997-04-81, pg. 29 (Journal of Ensign Hugh Mackay, 13th Regiment)
[17]John Peebles, John Peebles' American War, 345.
[18] Ibid, 504.
[19] Hugh Everard, History of Thos. Farrington's Regiment, 55.
[20] Peter Fryer, Staying Power, 81-84, Steven Baule, "Drummers in the British Army during the American Revolution, Journal of the Society for Army Historical Research, (2008).
[21] Georg Pausch (Burgoyne tr.), Journals and Reports of the Campaigns in America, 111.
[22] (both quotes) Ibid.
[23]Ibid, 112.
[24] George Fenwick Jones, "The Black Hessians", The South Carolina Historical Magazine, (1982)
[25] Ibid, 302.

Soldiers and Facial Hair in the Kabinettskriege Era

Excellent reenactor Tom Pickerel Portrays a Jaeger 

in 1781 North Carolina

A previous version of this post used a photograph without permission
based on a misunderstanding of its origin. Kabinettskriege sincerely 
apologizes for the confusion.

Dear Reader,

Ahhhh. This topic. Almost nothing I choose to write about will lose me as many friends in so short a span of time, I'll wager. The issue of facial hair among eighteenth-century men is one that sharply divides reenactors of this era, perhaps more than any other issue. So, this post will use period images in an effort to explore the topic in some detail.  In this post, I want to briefly track the course of men's facial hair (with particularly reference to military settings) between the middle of the seventeenth century and near the end of the eighteenth century. There has been a lot of excellent work on this subject by both academic historians, such as Dr. Alun Withey, as well as public historians such as Adam Hodges-LeClaire.

Received wisdom is that during the eighteenth-century, only madmen, beggars, cripples, Catholic Priests, and Jewish people wore beards in the Northern Atlantic World. By and large, I would agree with that assertion. Beards were not common, and should only be worn when portraying one of the groups above. However, in order to fully grapple with this fact, we need to examine the entire era.

Beards were quite common, even among soldiers, during the Thirty Years War. This can be observed in the etchings of French artist Jacques Callot, specifically a series entitled, "Les Grandes Misères de la guerre". The etching below, depicting the enrollment of soldiers, shows the veteran commanders in the right foreground, most of them have beards (even if it is just a goatee.)

Indeed, in the middle of the seventeenth century, it was quite common for monarchs to possess neatly trimmed facial hair. Gustav II. Adolph of Sweden, Karl X. Gustav of Sweden, Charles I of England, Charles II of England, Frederick William, the "great" Elector of Brandenburg, Louis XIII of France, and during the early portion of his life, Louis XIV of France. In 1659, Louis XIV still appears to have a "soul patch" in the tradition of his father, by 1673, he is simply sporting a mustache. However, in almost all of these cases, the beard portion of their facial hair is carefully managed, or even shaved completely. We must thank the monarchs of this era for their popularization of the Soul Patch.

As Dr. Alun Withey has written, razors and the act of shaving came to symbolize the Enlightenment, and control over nature. Dr. Withey has also suggested that shaving came to embody a "cult of youth", and indeed, I would argue that it also resulted from a desire to imitated classical norms. By the early eighteenth-century, these factors had combined to make (clean) shaving a necessity across the Northern Atlantic World. Thus, in paintings across Europe between 1650 and 1700, we see a gradual reduction, but not always a complete elimination of facial hair. 

Soldiers in the second-half of the seventeenth century began to shave more and more, as can be observed in the paintings of Johan Filip Lemke, a Swedish battle painter active in this era. Lemke's art develops a clear trend: in the early part of his career, mustaches were common among infantry soldiers, and goatees were common among the cavalry.

Musketeers in the mid-seventeenth century,

Sketch by Johan Filip Lemke

By the end of Lemke's career, infantrymen were clean-shaven, following the patterns set by late-seventeenth-century monarch Karl XI, and his early-eighteenth-century son, Karl XII.





The situation in the early-eighteenth century can be observed in the paintings of Jean Antoine Watteau, who demonstrates that the fusiliers he encamped with were almost always clean shaven. I have reproduced a number of them below, so that you may have a representative sample. They were executed during the later years of the War of Spanish Succession.

The Portal of Valenciennes, 1709 

These paintings clearly show that like their splendid Sun-King, most French infantry soldiers were clean shaven in the early-eighteenth century. This would remain the norm for both military and civilian fashion for around one hundred years, being challenged by the development of prominent facial hair once again in the middle decades of the nineteenth century. However, unlike beards, mustaches remain a more challenging subject to adequately address in the Kabinettskriege-Era. We cannot simply assert that mustaches were the provenance of the insane, indigent, or specific religious groups. Rather, in both military and civilian settings, mustaches need to be carefully contextualized. 

In military settings, the most famous group consistently possessing mustaches are grenadiers. It has been suggested that these men wore mustaches as a result of a desire to imitate Turkish fashion. John Evelyn, commenting on the development of these troops in 1677, had this to say on the subject:

"Now were brought into service a new sort of soldier called Grenadiers, who were dexterous in flinging hand grenadoes, every one having a pouch full; they had furred caps with coped crowns like Janizaries, which made them look very fierce, and some had long hoods hanging down behind, as we picture fools. Their clothing being likewise piebald, yellow and red."[1]

Clearly, this quote is an indication that these uniforms of these troops were designed to resemble Ottoman military fashion. However, I think there are three primary problems asserting that this applied to their mustaches. First and primarily, Evelyn does not mention grenadier mustaches anywhere in his quote, leaving us to infer that he meant that all aspects of their fashion were imitating the Ottoman borderlands. Second, in 1677, the King of England, Charles II, likely wore a mustache, based on his portraits of 1675 and 1685, so it seems odd that wearing mustaches would need a justification lying in Orientalism for this particular type of soldier. Third, as recently as 1650, Evelyn himself wore a mustache, although he did not have one for his 1689 portrait.

David Morier's depiction of Grenadiers from Regiments:

Stammer, Tunderfeld, and Both

There is no question that grenadiers were the most famous wearers of mustaches, and even grenadiers who normally went clean shaven could occasionally be ordered to wear them. In 1721, British Army grenadiers were ordered to, "let their whiskers grow for the arrival of the King of Prussia," who was then contemplating a visit to Britain, on the occasion of the christening of his God-son, William Augustus, the Duke of Cumberland.[2] As it turns out, the King of Prussia cancelled his visit, and the mustaches were shaved.

However, the idea that only grenadiers wore mustaches as a result of imitating Ottoman fashion also seems odd in the face of overwhelming evidence that between 1670 and 1760, mustaches were quite common among infantry soldiers across German Central Europe and beyond. I've compiled a few period images below to demonstrate my point.

Austrian Fusilier in the 1730s 

Prussian Musketeers, showing both clean shaven and mustaches, 1730s 

Prussian Musketeers 1750s/60s

Prussian Musketeers 1750/60s

Austrian Grenadier and two Fusiliers in the 1750/60s 

French Soldiers at Assietta, Hyacinth de La Pegna

French soldier, Régiment Royal-Suédois, 1760s

Detail from The Siege of Yorktown, Louis Nicholas van Blarenberghe, 1786

These images demonstrate that mustaches were rather common among the infantry troops of the larger armies of German Central Europe and perhaps France as well. Cavalry soldiers wore mustaches with a greater regularity than infantrymen.

 If Grenadiers, Musketeers, Jaeger, Hussars, Dragoons, and Cuirassiers all wore mustaches, it does not seem as though we can assign the development of mustache wearing troops in the eighteenth century to a small number of specialists who were deliberately imitating Ottoman fashion. Imitations of Ottoman fashion occurred, there is no doubt, in the way that Bosniaken lancers were uniformed, the way which African musicians were uniformed, but I am not as confident that mustaches can be placed squarely within this realm. 

In the early portion of the eighteenth century, mustaches were still common among middle-aged men in the highlands of Scotland, but appear to have died out by the time of the 1745 uprising. 

Indeed, in the wonderful Penicuik drawings from the era of the '45 rebellion, the only individuals wearing mustaches are children, "playing at Hessians." Thus, by the 1740s, the mustache had come to be associated with Germanic soldiers in British minds. 

If the paintings of Bernardo Bellotto are any measure, it appears that the mustache may survived in civilian fashion in some parts of the Austrian Empire into the 1750s. The men below are wearing peasant clothing common in German Central Europe at this time, especially in the rural southern portions of the Habsburg State. 

Detail from Bellotto, Schloss Schoenbrunn, 1759

Other groups, of course, continued to wear mustaches as a mark of a specialized trade. Venetian Gondoliers seem to have fit into this mold, at least as depicted by Gaspare Diziani, in the middle of the eighteenth century:

Detail from La Sagra di Santa Marta

Russian civilians as well, appear to have ignored the moratorium on facial hair. Here, Giuseppe Moretti depicts merchants from Russia in Venice in the middle of the eighteenth century:

Detail from Prospettiva con Poritco

And what about Colonial America? Considering the marked aversion which the British Isles had towards mustaches, it is unsurprising that we almost never find them in Colonial America. Continental Army soldiers may not have always been cleanly shaven, but I would be shocked to find more than a week's growth. Even in the harsh winter at Valley Forge, a continental officer noted that Washington advised the men, "The want of uniformity in the soldiers' clothing, and its deficiency in quality, so far from slovenliness and unsoldierly neglect, ought rather to excite the men to compensate for those bleamishes,-- for instance, the soldier may always shave his beard."[3]

What does all this mean for those most interested in it: reenactors of this era? It is vital to tailor your facial hair to the specific time, person, and place you are representing. I see almost no evidence that aside from a few week period in 1721, that the British Army ever wore mustaches (much less beards!) in 1700-1789 era. If your heart's desire is to be a redcoat with facial hair, create a first-rate impression of a British Grenadier waiting for the arrival of the King of Prussia in 1721. Mustaches, while still very uncommon, can be found in a number of military impressions in Europe. If you want to wear a mustache in a military impression, develop of first-rate impression of a French or Spanish soldiers, or Hessian Grenadier or Jaeger from the American War of Independence, or attach yourself to one of a number of units who portray the Seven Years War in Central Europe.

If a full-beard is your desire, I would say that there are a number of impressions in the 1648-1789 era which might allow for it. In addition to being various shades of insane and crippled, you could portray a Russian merchant, or if a military impression is your heart's desire, portray a soldier in 17th Century Colonial America, or the era of the late-Thirty Years War in Europe. I understand that shaving is not convenient, and that beards take a long time to grow. However, if the eighteenth century past is worth recreating, it is worth recreating well.

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Alex Burns

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[1] John Evelyn, The Diary of John Evelyn, 400.
[2] The Weekly Journal, or British Gazetteer, April 29th, 1721.
[3] National Army Museum, 1991-07-117 (Journal of Captain John Davis)

How Well-Paid was the Average Eighteenth-Century Soldier?

Dear Reader,

For a soldier I listed, to grow great in fame. And be shot at for sixpence a day.- Charles Dibdin, 1774

One of the most persistently popular notions about common soldiers in the eighteenth century is that they were poor, ragged, and "the scum of the earth." From Daniel Chodoweicki's "A soldiers' wife" to descriptions of the Chelsea pensioners, it seems that these soldiers did indeed suffer economically. The words of one retrospective ballad, by The Dreadnoughts, repeatedly includes the phrase, "You'll have to go out in the streets and beg, poor Johnny what'll happen to you?" Is this view supportable? And to what extent is this view based on former and disabled soldiers who were out of work, rather than actively-serving men?

Once again, I find myself on the shoulders of giants as I write this post. The research Christopher Duffy, Sylvia Frey, Kirstin Olsen, Liza Picard, Glenn Steppler, and numerous other authors make the conclusions reached here possible. How well-paid was the average eighteenth-century soldier?

Like the members of the working-class that they hailed from, many soldiers were rather poor, but not totally destitute.  Their pay certainly ranked in the lower strata of eighteenth-century incomes but was above or roughly the same as other groups in a similar social class: such day laborers or husbandmen. Pay varied between states. For example: the Austrians paid their common soldiers 5 or 6 creutzer,  British paid their men six-pence a day, when adjusted for stoppages, while the Prussian army paid their men 8 groschen a day. Yearly pay ranged from 12-14 Pounds a year in the British army to 24 Thaler a year in the Prussian Army. Soldiers in the Continental Army were promised a bit more, around $29 per year, but in practice, this was the equivalent of a few Spanish milled dollars.[1] The average soldier earned around $1,500 per year, when adjusted to today's currency. 

William Hogarth, The March of the Guards to Finchley

Although this sum may seem rather tiny from our perspective today, and indeed it is, it is important to keep in mind that the average day laborer made roughly $800 year (12.5 Pounds), and the average husbandmen $1550-$1600 a year (15 pounds).[2] Indeed, when measuring these sums, it may be easier to understand eighteenth-century wages through the lens of purchasing power, or labor value. When measured in these ways, the £12 is more like a yearly wage of around £20,000  in 2018 currency. So, while not rich by any standard of measure, these soldiers were not exactly destitute either.

For a refresher on eighteenth-century British monetary units, see this footnote.[3] It may be more illuminating to see what a daily soldier's wage could purchase. 1 pence could purchase a measure of gin, enough coal to heat a room for a day, or a enough firewood to heat a home for a day. 1.5 pence could purchase a pound of soap. For half of day's wages (3 pence), you could purchase a dinner of bread, cheese and beer.  Items priced about sixpence in eighteenth-century London included: a pound of cheese, a pound of hair powder, a lower-class dinner out consisting of meat, bread, and alcohol. Amenities available for 8 pence included:, a middle-class dinner out and a pound of butter. If able to save for five days, a soldier could afford to buy a pig.[4]

(Photo Credit: Wilson Freeman/Drifting Focus Photography)
Reenactors giving an excellent portrayal of Brunswick Regiment Prinz Friedrich.

However, soldiers often had their salaries stopped, in order to pay for clothing and other items. In 1770, an anonymous soldier attached a statement to his memoir, saying that after all stoppages were accounted for, he had just over four pounds to live on every year.[5] Soldiers also confronted many other expenses. Ulrich Bräker, tricked into joining the Prussian army, first complained, not of harsh discipline, but of the cost of living as a soldier:

Thereupon I went into an eating-house and ordered dinner and a jug of beer. For this I had to pay two groschen. Now, from the six that I had, four remained; on these I had to live for four days and they would last for two at the most. This reckoning made me lament sorely to my comrades. One of them, Cran by name, said to me laughing: "That'll teach you. But never mind, you have plenty of things you can sell. For a start, there's your servant's livery. Then you have two sets of weapons now, you can convert all that into ready money. And moreover bachelors like you often get an additional allowance for maintenance, you have only to apply to the Colonel." "Oh, oh, never will I do that again, as long as I live!", said I. "Damn it!" answered Cran, "you will have to get used to his roaring sooner or later. And as for your board, just watch carefully what the others do. You'll see three, four or five of them clubbing together to buy corn or peas or potatoes, to cook for themselves. Each morning they have a dreier's worth of spirits and a piece of bread from the ration, at midday, send to the inn for another dreier's worth of soup, and another piece of the bread-ration goes with it. In the evening kovent or small beer, two pence worth, and bread once again". - "But, by heaven, that's a wretched way to live", I rejoined, and he: "Yes, but that's how one gets by, no doubt about it. A soldier has to learn to get by, because there are all manner of other articles that he needs: pipeclay, powder , shoe-polish, oil, emery, soap and God knows what besides." I: "And all this has to come out of six groschen?" He: "Yes, and much more besides, for example the bill for your washing, for cleaning your weapons and so forth, if you can't do these things for yourself". With that we returned to our lodging, and I ordered my affairs as best I could.[6]'

One gets the impression that Cran viewed Bräker as something of a whiner.

Although their pay was often partially deducted to cover expenses, soldiers also had their clothing and board provided, putting them at an advantage compared with day laborers. In most Germanic armies, soldiers were provided food at no-cost during wartime, another potential economic benefit. Obviously, by Twenty-First-Century living standards, these soldiers were incredibly poor. However, when measured against the standards of the class which they hailed from, there were certain advantages to being a soldier. Of the branches of service, cavalry was paid marginally more than infantry, and grenadiers had a slight pay-bonus when compared with musketeers. Non-commisioned officers earned more than private soldiers, and men enlisted in elite regiments, such as the monarch's guard, often received slightly more pay.

Some Prussian NCOs were even wealthy enough to purchase homes of their own, though this is very much the exception, rather than the rule.[7] The Prussian army allowed soldiers to find employment during off hours in peacetime, further increasing the income of soldiers. Observing off-duty Prussian soldiers in the 1770s, the Comte de Guibert recalled, "In Prussia, they proceed from the principle that no kind of occupation can demean a soldier, as long as it brings in money."[8]

Perhaps unsurprisingly, some soldiers thought they were paid very little. In 1770, an anonymous British soldier recorded his thoughts on the subject:

"I beg to lay the following observations before the publick. Happy I shall be, if they are the means of exciting some good patriot to exert himself in getting the pay of the lower class of the British Army advanced. ... their pay does not exceed one shilling seven pence halfpenny a week, my readers will judge sort of livelihood a man can have in the army at this time."[9]

On the opposite note, both Austrian soldiers and military observers from other nations indicated that the Austrian army was paid quite well, and with regularity. Swedish military attache Fromhold Armfeldt reported that during the Seven Years' War the Austrian troops, "never go short of pay, meat, or bread. In the Austrian army, both officers and soldiers find everything they need."[10]

Soldiers in a tavern, 1770

As the above indicates, some actively serving soldiers had a relatively stable economic situation when compared with aged or disabled veterans. These men were often unable to work in the trades they had pursued before their military service. Shadrach Byfield, a soldier in the 41st Regiment of Foot, was terribly worried for his family's economic situation, as he was unable to return to his trade as a weaver after losing an arm in Canada. Fortunately for Byfield, he was able to design an artificial limb with the aid of a local blacksmith, enabling him to continue employment.[11] Many soldiers were not so ingenious, and less fortunate.

Most major European states followed the model of Louis XIV, who ordered the construction of the hôpital des invalides in 1670. The British Royal Hospital (Chelsea) opened its doors to pensioners in  1692, housing around 300 veterans at any one time. The Prussian state set up funds for wounded men as early as the War of Spanish Succession, and Frederick William I, provided for his Garde Regiment by allotting retired members a place in an invalid community near Potsdam. In 1748 the Prussians followed the French example of caring for the whole army by building the Invalidenhaus. This Prussian soldiers' home housed just over 600 veterans at any one time. Once again, we find that the Austrian state led the way in providing for soldiers. Government housing was provided for 4,000 soldiers, and Maria Theresa even went to great lengths reminding the army that these resources were available to disabled veterans.[12] Though these institutions were very progressive for their time, even in the Austrian case they only provided for a fraction number of total disabled soldiers

Daniel Chodoweicki: A Soldier's Wife 

 Because of this, many old soldiers stayed in the ranks longer than necessary. Christopher Duffy examines the issue: "Aged private soldiers hung on in their regiments for the same bad reason as some of the aged officers, namely that life was bleaker still in the outside world."[13] Old soldiers became beggars and would attempt to gather alms from wealthy generals or the monarch. So, while actively serving soldiers might be poor, disabled and aged veterans suffered when unable to find government assistance. 

Soldiers in the eighteenth-century often came from poor laboring classes and viewed military service as a way of securing their position in the world. Their humble economic origins prompted some officers to view their men as low-life scum, but the truth is infinitely more complicated. Though soldiers were by no means wealthy, they were marginally better off than day laborers, even if they suffered in comparison to tradesmen. Finally, for those few who could secure it, government assistance to old and disabled soldiers provided a rare measure of security to the infirm in the eighteenth-century.

If you enjoyed this post, or any of our other posts, please consider liking us on facebook,  or following us on twitter. Finally, we are dedicated to keeping Kabinettskriege ad-free. In order to assist with this, please consider supporting us via the donate button in the upper right-hand corner of the page. As always:

Thanks for Reading,



Alex Burns


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[1]Christopher Duffy, Instrument of War; Christopher Duffy, Army of Frederick the Great; Richard Holmes, Redcoat, John Milsop, Continental Infantrymen of the American Revolution.  
[2] For information regarding eighteenth-century wages in England, see: Kirstin Olsen, Daily Life in Eighteenth-Century England, 140-144. For the specific figures mentioned above, see Peter Mathias, "The Social Structure in the Eighteenth Century: A Calculation by Joseph Massie," (1957) Economic History, 42-43.
[3]4 farthings = 1 penny (d)
     2 halfpennies = 1 penny
   12 pence =  1 shilling (s)
   10 shillings and sixpence (six pennies) = half a guinea
   20 shillings = 1 pound (£)
   21 shillings = 1 guinea
[4] Liza Picard, Dr. Johnson's London, 294-297
[5] Anonymous, A Soldier's Journal, 175.
[6] Ulrich Bräker, Der Arme Mann von Toggenburg, 119.
[7]Ernst von Barsewisch, Meine Kriegs-Erliebnisse, 114-5.
[8]Jacques Antoine Guibert, Journal D'un Voyage En Allemagne, Fait En 1773 (Paris, 1803), 16
[9]Anonymous, A Soldier's Journal, 172-3.
[10] Quoted in Christopher Duffy, Instrument of War, 207.
[11] Shadrach Byfield, A Narrative of a Light Company Soldier's Service, 94-95.
[12] Duffy, Instrument of War, 343.
[13] Christopher Duffy, Army of Frederick the Great, 84.